HANNAH ARENDT: LOS ORIGENES DEL TOTALITARISMO PRIMERA PARTE CON PROLOGOS Ed. Alianza I. La obra de Hannah, los críticos estudiosos no. Born in Hanover, Germany, Hannah Arendt received her doctorate from Heidelberg University in A victim of naziism, she fled Germany in for France. Los Origenes Del Totalitarismo/ The Origins of Totalitarianism (Spanish Edition) [ Hannah Arendt] on charmaudinamas.gq *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers.

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Johanna "Hannah" Arendt (–) was a German-American political theorist and social philosopher. Lectures on Kant's Political Philosophy, , PDF. (Brazilian Portuguese); Los Orígenes del Totalitarismo, trans. Los orígenes del totalitarismo, Los orígenes del totalitarismo by Hannah Arendt. Los orígenes del totalitarismo. by Hannah Arendt; Guillermo Solana Díez. También ofrecemos al lector el resumen de "Ideología y terror", que forma parte de los textos esenciales de la autora: LOS ORÍGENES DEL TOTALITARISMO.

This singularity could respond to formal criteria, but it also evokes exactly what capitalism demands and compels in the current crisis. To take charge, or take upon oneself is, literally, one of the topics within the modes of representation of the indebted man.

Among these images of the indebted subject, we repeatedly see the Titan Atlas, carrying his debt upon his shoulders. We also find a slight variation in which the debtor is represented as Sisyphus, pushing it uphill. The presence of the shackles among the images of debt emphasises the offence, and the debtor, as the guilty one, is punished, seized by debt.


The promise may not guarantee the repayment — as Lazzarato says —, but the insistence on the consequences, by way of images, may possibly help. The terror provoked by the execution, but maybe even more its evocation, belong to the repertoire of techniques that guarantee the reimbursement. The performative utterance of the promise, if it is to perform rather than describe the act of promising, is not in itself the repayment of the debt.

Lazzarato, 40 More than a commitment by word, debt is a burden. We must not understand the image of the burden of debt as a metaphor, but as a consequence, because debt demands a real effort, not repaying it demands a punishment, and the individual is bound or subjected by it.

The repetition, in different versions and media, makes us think of a common work in which the debt-guilt-body punishment is rooted. If we attend to Nietzsche, it is a sentence that runs through generations up to the foundational brutality of the initial debt.

Images such as the Titan Atlas show us how easily the same motif can take part in opposed narratives within the same context, in this case, of debt. Besides the context, words fulfil a directive and restrictive task, to control what the image says only what it is intended to say.

From Wikipedia. In the exhibition catalogue Atlas.

Origenes Totalitarismo by Hannah Arendt

In the same exhibition he also suggested that the images themselves constitute the load. A burden in the shape of a globe or a bundle, but also as a tension generated in the individual; between the images of horror that haunt him and what is happening on the desk. Images weigh the individual down, bound him, oppressing-depressing him over the desk, and on the shoulders at the workplace.

The weight of the load is not only a burden on the shoulders; it is also an intellectual load, on the head. A force exerted by balance sheets, numbers and financial statements that make up another cluster of the images of debt. Quoted in Buck-Morss, , p. Memory acquires thus a physical dimension and a work that the exhibition had already shown. It is precisely on these tables where the balance and financial sheets are placed, the space where the efforts are made to solve the social hieroglyphic, but also the place of frustrations and uncertainty.

It is a visual example of frustration and worries that goes far back in the past. The impossible maths, the worries that reason cannot settle, or that reason itself has generated, that binds him to the desk and crushes him in silence at least that is what some would like to happen.

What can images do, or what have they done in this respect? Gothic capitalism The images of cruelty can ease the mnemotechnic process, reminding the individual of his condition of debtor-guilty and, as a consequence, securing his promises.

But the mnemotechnics of cruelty are not limited to debt. There are many examples of horror images used to intimidate and maintain the statu quo. Images of debt are part of that repertoire, but the same horror images have a power to impress that can be exerted in the opposite direction.

Here I am not only talking about the indebted subject, but about the use of art-horror images, in the opposite sense, as a part of a progressive — or simply liberating — machinery. In answer to the neoliberal machinery for producing subjects and to the role of images as part of that construction, we find the use of horror imagery with a liberating intention.

Images used to denounce the excesses and abuses of capitalism and the modern world, shape in this fashion what I have called gothic capitalism. A precursor to recent cinematic dystopias, such as Blade Runner Ridley Scott, , can be found in the images of gothic capitalism present in the engravings by Walter Crane, one of the artists that has better illustrated the monsters described by Marx.

In prints like Mrs. Grundy Frightened at her own Shadow and others included in the series Cartoons for the Cause [Fig.

In Mrs. Grundy gets scared of her own shadow, a shadow in which the shape of a bourgeois hat is transformed in the Phrygian cap, a symbol of the past Revolution taken from the Roman Republic.

The images of gothic capitalism and their inhabitant monsters share a reality that is traumatic for many, a daily hell that is easier to communicate through horror. Far from what one may think, horror images do not lead us away from reality, but can delve deeper in it or can help to cope with it.

This is possible even with fiction images, or maybe even more so with them. And the victims are being presented to the community as offenders of their gender and social order both by criminals and by those who should make sure the investigation and justice processes work.

Two examples illustrate these assertions. Men are killed for not having properly chosen licit versus illicit activities, including those within and those outside of the law.

This willpower has been terribly cruel to the victims. Their dead bodies lie in narco-graves, riddled with bullets, tortured, mutilated, beheaded, strangled, hanged, incinerated, disintegrated in acid, taped, stuck in car trunks, sexually abused, and in humiliating positions. It is necessary that they die, so that divisions can be made in the population of the people who must die, so that you can live. This is achieved by distinguishing, prioritizing, and categorizing an inferior and a superior population, from a biological norm.

Hannah Arendt also discussed the death of human beings in totalitarian regimes under the concept of superfluous beings. The second, which precedes the first, is: The human waste that every crisis, that invariably followed each industrial development period, permanently removed from the productive society. The men who had become permanently unemployed were just as superfluous to the community as the owners of superfluous wealth.

The fact that they constituted a threat to society was recognized throughout the nineteenth century. The Origins In Ciudad Juarez, these murders are marked and have their material base in two global capital phenomena: the first of these is the opening of the city and the delivery of its cheap labor to transnational capital with the so-called maquiladora project that settled in this city in the late s.

The second is the emergence of a solid drug corridor into the United States, which became a death corridor in the mids. Alongside these two moments, corruption and immorality also appeared at the national, state, and local government levels, and have increased with the process of the political changes our country has faced since the 80s.

These economic and political processes have produced a large number of superfluous beings as human waste. The drama of the replacement of these lives is that it is done so through death. But how do you choose who will die and who will live? Who is the other? The murder of the others involves two elements: a physical act that inflicts damage to a body and a verbal act that interprets it.

Who died and who speaks for them?

Men and women die and those that speak for them are the murderers, the government agencies responsible for enforcing the Law, and the business elite. And their discourses permit the killing, the annihilation, and the disqualification of the victims with the trivialization of their extermination. Once the concept of a superfluous life is exposed as the norm of violence, in which lie the femicides and the killings by execution and the settling of accounts 3 by organized crime, I focus on the discourses constructed and managed by the branches of government on the continued killing of men and women.

And while such discourses do not completely explain the causes of this violence, they do however exercise a certain influence so that the inalienable and universal right to life and the obligation to repair the damage are lost. My reasoning represents a combination of feminist theory and critical humanist theory that reflects on the use of violence by the State, from the imbalance of sexual difference and the selection of the populations annihilated. The second explores how the artificiality of the finiteness of life is constructed for groups of men and women, and I focus on the analysis of the statements the State authorizes, which become disciplinary techniques for individuals and for regularization of the population.

Dehumanization and Industrialization of Death Death has been present in Ciudad Juarez intermittently since the mid-eighties. Throughout these years, the Juarez community has suffered a devastating experience of deadly violence against men and women see Chart 1. Chart 1. Murders in Ciudad Juarez, In this sense, we can say that homicide and femicide are acts that have disciplined both sexes while normalizing the Juarez population.

The violent deaths of men and women, the focus of our analysis, began to increase rapidly in this city late last century. For instance, the number of men who died violently between and was ; this number represents a rate of In those same years, 44 women were killed; their cases represented a rate of 2. These crimes over eight years accounted for an average of 66 victims per year. In , men were killed in this city, representing a rate of This year marked the beginning of a rising death toll for men and women.

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The number of men murdered never falls below , and there is an average of 33 cases of female deaths per year until During these years, the Juarez community had already suffered the devastating experience of deadly violence. This community was ready for death. The year was a fateful year for Ciudad Juarez, as it marked the beginning of extreme and unprecedented violence, due to its magnitude and the complexity of the atrocities committed against its people.

That year, the Juarez community received the news from the Mexican federal government that, at the request and with the approval of state and local governments, Operativo Conjunto Chihuahua had been formed.

This tactic opened the door to unprecedented forms of victimization of the population by organized crime, unorganized crime, the military, the police forces, and public officials alike. In this city, the high cost in human lives, with the renewal of femicide and killings by organized crime groups, again showed the insignificance of human beings, the State's failure to make use of legitimate coercion, and the casualization of community life.

According to media accounts, in , 1, people were killed on this border: 1, men and 98 women. Disciplinary techniques increased in a way never before seen, and with them, regulatory techniques appeared and were extended to all citizens. Other types of violence intensified, such as car theft accompanied by violence, assaults on passersby, burglary, bank robbery, sexual violence against girls and women, and the increased disappearance of teenage girls.

In , the count was 3,, of whom were women. The dehumanization and industrialization of death was well underway. Violence affects both men and women in Ciudad Juarez. We must, therefore, be attentive to the different ways in which men and women are harmed, but also to the differentiated harm caused to the women and among the populations that make up the national, rural, urban, border, and multicultural, youth, adult, native, foreign, and other citizens.

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In studying the criminal violence inflicted on the bodies of men and women, we must recognize what Catherine A. When you kill or die as a member of your own gender, and when you are any other person?

Are you ever someone else? In , feminists, activists, and the relatives of victims announced the femicide nationally and internationally: a systematic killing of low-income girls and women, tortured, humiliated, mutilated, and dumped as waste in inhospitable places throughout the city. With the femicide, Ciudad Juarez was the subject of recommendations by national and international human rights organizations.

However, neither they nor the more than victims accumulated over these 18 years have received justice see Photograph 1. Photograph 1. Protests on behalf of the missing girls and young ladies. The murdered men did not have families or activists who would speak for them. While in women's organizations began to register and keep a list of men and women killed, the former were left aside to focus on the extermination of the women.

Moreover, the authorities argued that the women were guilty of their murders for leading lives outside the female norms. This same authority argued that most of the murders of men were related to organized crime, and both went unpunished. Here, Arendt discusses the transformation of classes into masses, the role of propaganda in dealing with the non-totalitarian world, and the use of terror, essential to this form of government. Totalitarian movements are fundamentally different from autocratic regimes, says Arendt, insofar as autocratic regimes seek only to gain absolute political power and to outlaw opposition, while totalitarian regimes seek to dominate every aspect of everyone's life as a prelude to world domination.

She states Intellectual, spiritual, and artistic initiative is as dangerous to totalitarianism as the gangster initiative of the mob, and both are more dangerous than mere political opposition. The consistent persecution of every higher form of intellectual activity by the new mass leaders springs from more than their natural resentment against everything they cannot understand. Total domination does not allow for free initiative in any field of life, for any activity that is not entirely predictable.

Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty.

A final section added to the second edition of the book in suggests that individual isolation and loneliness are preconditions for totalitarian domination.My reasoning represents a combination of feminist theory and critical humanist theory that reflects on the use of violence by the State, from the imbalance of sexual difference and the selection of the populations annihilated.

Tropp, M. Crane, W. Disraelia and Other Essays. Svendsen, Lars : A Philosophy of Evil. Buenos Aires, Eudeba. Arendt, Hannah : La vita della mente, trad.

I will not get into the details of his account concerning this mechanism of subjection, but I will try to address the role of the images within that process — an issue tackled indirectly in his text. September 2