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The late arrival of prints at die cinema hall has resulted in riots by promoting the star and the extent to which diey are willing to go, in doing fans on a number of occasions, most recendy in , when the prints so—fan's associations are marked by dieir excesses, toomuchness, but of Mahesh Babu's Sainikudu Gunasekhar did not reach die cinema also, as we shall see later in this chapter, overdetermination by caste and hall in time for the opening show.

There is somediing exaggerated and amplified slights to the star, too, is characteristic of fan activity. I am not using some respectable Fans meet in public places, such as cinema halls, to plan their activi- middle class standard as die norm, but this is precisely die sense that ties or simply to talk about films and life. Most FAs generally do not their activities are meant to convey.

In the s, before diey became have regular offices. The official statewide organization of Chiranjeevi a part of the official hierarchy, most Chiranjeevi fans' associations were fans functioned for two years without an office, out of the homes of called town-, district-, state-wide, or even All India associations, even its office bearers.

Public places usually become the de facto 'offices' of though their actual sphere of activity was at best limited to a particular FAs. As a result, FAs have interesting addresses.

For example, Suresh neighbourhood. To this day, except the poorest ones, fans' associations Babu, President of the All India Chiranjeevi Friends Unit, who was very usually have official stationery, complete widi letter pads, rubber stamps, active in the early s, has official stationery, including visiting and visiting cards.

The better-organized ones have caps and T-shirts for cards and letter pads with the address: Intense competition demands that each Vijayawada' Fig. Urvasi was the name of one of the three theatres of a association betters the rest—cut-outs of the star grow taller by die year popular cinema complex, which now houses an Inox multiplex. Ramu and garlands heavier, even as poojas for a film's success graduate from Yadav, President of the Akhilandhra Chiranjeevi Yuvata in the s, goat to bull sacrifices.

The space mentioned on his card housed, through the causing injury and death of fans. In some parts of Andhra and Karnataka, mid and late s, various buildings including a commercial complex violent fights have broken out between Chiranjeevi and Balakrishna whose basement was a regular den of illegal lottery sellers.

I only draw attention to the obvious: The most visible of fan activities did not exist or were relatively insignificant in the past.

To take an are around cinema halls. Fans indulge in collective celebrations of the example, while scheduled castes always existed and the organizations release of their star's film by decorating cinema halls and gathering in that organized them sometimes traced their origins to Ambedkar's time, strength to view the film in question.

Most importantly, they take their in the s, we notice that 'Dalit' becomes an important political cat- enjoyment well beyond the cinema hall itself. One finds fan activity egory. There is now a new constituency with a set of demands that were feeding into a range of public activities, including celebration of secular not necessarily carried over from earlier associations of the communities festivals such as the star's birthday and Independence Day, as well as that now called themselves Dalits.

During these celebrations, chari- If the gradual increase in the ultra-left, post-Srikakulam and table activities, known in fan circles as 'social service', are performed. Naxalbari, alerts us to one kind of political mobilization that became In the past decade, however, with major stars acting in just one or two increasingly visible through the s but especially after the lifting films per year, there has been a general decline in fans' activities centred of the emergency, the movement for separate Telangana and Andhra around cinema halls.

Fans have increasingly diversified to promoting states in the late s and early s is a sign that no one theme was other members of their favourite star's family and also performing more common to the mobilizations of the time. The increased prominence of social which is of direct relevance to the spurt in fan activity, was arguably the service is also a consequence of the insistence of stars like Chiranjeevi single largest exercise in mass mobilization since independence in this that fans perform socially purposeful activities discussed below.

The city has been studied in detail by Janaki Nair Even s witnessed the emergence of the Dalit movement, especially after in Andhra Pradesh, we notice that associations are essentially formed the formation of the Dalit Mahasabha in see also Gudavarthy around stars who speak the fans' language on the screen—not share However, upper castes, too, were mobilizing themselves, and the same 'mother tongue'.

In Tirupathi, for example, there are fans' probably the most strident opposition to NTR's rule in the coastal associations of Tamil stars, but they are not as well organized as those of Andhra region came from Kapunadu, a movement of the Kapu caste.

Telugu film stars and are invariably formed by Tamil-speaking people. While language, like agitation by upper caste students against the government's decision caste, is a factor in the formation of fans' associations, it is by no means to extend reservations to backward castes Balagopal The anti-reservation movement was modelled on student agitations in Gujarat and anticipated the anti-Mandal agitation in Thus obfuscating a much longer and complex engagement with pants in a class war.

In the s, the Naxalite movement would make politics by fans in Andhra Pradesh. It is this complexity that I will try to a brief but stunning display of its organizational skills by holding foreground in the discussion below. Pradesh allows us to see that political participation of fans is not The 'Mandal-KamandaT mobilizations of the early s, too, accounted for by a top-down model in which a star's political choice affected the state, as they did many other parts of the country.

It would determines the actions of his fans. Even in instances when there seems be useful to recall, here, that competing mobilizations in different to be an obvious transformation of fans into political cadres loyal to parts of the country led the political scientist Atul Kohli to declare that the star-politician for example NTR , the star's political career or India was facing a 'governability crisis' Kohli As hi as Andhra ambitions do not either exhaust or fully account for his fans' activities.

Pradesh was concerned, NTR was very much a part of the larger crisis NTR fans did not become political cadres of any consequence, although of which Kohli's book tries to take stock. Some of it was a direct consequence of the overlaps between star, who was a Kamma, began to be seen as serving the sole interests fens' associations and caste or political mobilizations, as we shall see of his caste group after die formation of the TDP. Understandably below. Proliferation of fans' associations surprised film critics because it enough, some Congress sympathisers too abandoned NTR FAs seemed as if the star, himself, was now only an excuse for the formation when the TDP was formed.

Prior involvement of fans in political and of an association. The president era is its intimacy with politics, which was partly facilitated by caste of the state wide association of NTR fans, Sripathi Rajeswar, went on mobilization at the local level. The very first sign of the shape of things to become a minister in the late s.

According to Venkata Rao , more and more tenuously linked to the TDP, not only because of NTR fans campaigned actively for the star during the election. Sekhar splits within the party and the NTR family, but also due to the shifting Yalamanchi, who was NTR's press secretary during the election campaign, alliances of local patrons discussed below. The immediate provocation was a show-cause While historically speaking, the political crossover of stars is a notice issued to Krishna's Padmalaya Studio by the Municipal Corpora- crucial development, fans' involvement in politics actually precedes this tion of Hyderabad for violation of land use regulations by the studio development, suggesting that the immediate reason notwithstanding, Andkra Jyothi, Vijayawada Edition, 24 May Although no fans' associations were already being impacted by the overall prolifera- such demonstration was held, the threat anticipates the rapid politiciza- tion of mobilizable constituencies.

By the late s, Krishna fans in tion of fans from the s. Conspiracy theories of fans now implicated Vijayawada were involved in politics, as marginal supporters of the various departments of the government, even those that were not under Congress I.

Once stars began contesting elections, a political Around this time a number of Chiranjeevi FAs, too, were affiliation was more or less thrust on FAs, and political participation formed. It is unlikely that the exit of some fans due to caste such Dalit organizations. A photograph sent to the star's office in or political considerations from NTR FAs led to the formation of see Fig.

Being a non-Kamma, however, Ambedkar's birthday outside the office a 'pucca' building with an without any political affiliations, Chiranjeevi became the rallying point asbestos roof, not a street corner.

In the other The caste semiotics of statues is not limited to the installation of two regions of Andhra Pradesh, Chiranjeevi FAs may not have'wit- Ambedkar statues. While Mother Teresa has been owned by all sections nessed the same degree of polarization along political lines, although, of Chiranjeevi fans, Dalit and Kapu fans have taken to the installation in terms of caste composition, they are similar to the FAs in coastal of statues of Ambedkar and Allu Ramalingiah an erstwhile comedian Andhra.

The Further, complicating the relationship between fans and caste mobili- posthumous rise of Allu Ramalingaiah as a major public figure also zation, is the evidence of caste factions among fans' associations devoted has to do with the increasing popularity of his grandson, Allu Arjun.

In smaller towns in coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema, The newspaper report mentioned above, states that a village panchayat FAs tend to be formed with members drawn from a single caste not wanted to install a statue of Chiranjeevi's father who died in and necessarily that of the star.

The same town, therefore, could have dif- had no tiling to do with the film industry. The panchayat was planning ferent FAs of Chiranjeevi, each with members drawn from a particular to seek the permission of the star's family to do so.

In parts of coastal Andhra, separate Chiranjeevi FAs were formed The individual careers of some fans are illustrative of the complex by Dalit and upper-caste youth, in the s.

These have frequently web of social and political mobilizations, of which the FAs are a fought with each other—sometimes during the screening of Chiranjeevi part. Sampathi Ramana is a house painter in Madanapalle town, an films, which both groups were dedicated to promoting.

He is also a member of the Chirnajeevi fans association. When I met him in he had been a karate instructor for the past thirteen years.

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Five years earlier, he had established his own karate school: Although his political affiliation is known to all those with whom he interacts, he is close to 'Chinna', an important Kapu organizer of the Congress party and the local patron of Chiranjeevi fans. Also a regular fixture at Chinna's office is Subhas Chandra Bose, a member of the Kapu caste and president of one of the Chiranjeevi fans' associations in the town Interview, Madanapalle, 8 February However, we need to note that fans' associations cannot be reduced to fronts for caste mobilization.

Notwithstanding or perhaps due to the overwhelming evidence of the overlaps between fan activity and caste mobilizations of the time, there is considerable anxiety among fans FIG. Chiranjeevi Friends' Association, Kamareddy celebrates Ambedkar about being seen as 'casteist'.

In the course of my conversations with Jayanthi outside its office. A framed portrait of Ambedkar can be seen at the fans, there have been many vehement denials of any link between the centre of a map of India drawn around a flag post.

In an interview with me, two fans from Karimnagar claimed to Nehru to contest assembly elections in It is a fact that the that most Chiranjeevi fans in their town did not even know the star's rival Vijayawada gangs became rapidly politicized in the s.

They, however, conceded students, taxi drivers, hotel workers, etc. Some years later this group Chiranjeevi FA, they explained at some length that their love for the star of fans moved to Congress. The multiple migrations were caused by the pre-dated their awareness of his caste B. Another faction of Balakrishna fans in Vijayawada to the Kamma caste.

With the emergence of Chiranjeevi as the most popular non-Kamma star ever, the new possibility of pro-Kapu or anti-Kamma alliances arose. The FAs of Vijayawada offer significant insights into the kind of changes that were taking place in FAs during the s and s. Much to the discomfort of Chiranjeevi, his fans in coastal Andhra Pradesh became active in Congress politics, although the star himself claimed to be neutral.

From the mids, the star has repeatedly warned his fans not to 'misuse' the fans' associations for political ends. Nevertheless, in Vijayawada and some other parts of coastal Andhra, the Kapu-Congress nexus within Chiranjeevi FAs saw the fallout of local politics. He actively encouraged Chiranjeevi FAs, in addition to providing protection to them from the police and rival FAs.

The Telugu remarkably similar to that of Ranga's, consisting of Kapus on the one Desam ran: Chiranjeevi hand, but also a wide cross-section of the urban poor belonging to lower fan Dodla Jagadeesh of Megabrothers Youth castes on die other.

The patron of this faction resigned from the TDP and declared his support for Chiranjeevi's as-yet-unformed political party in Venkatesh fans now invoke Ranga by adorning their publicity material with the latter's pictures.

Venkatesh's father, D. Arguably, fans' involvement in politics had less to do with the star's own preferences and more to do with the complex mediation of local alliances, castes, and politics. I will cite one last example to highlight the complexities of fans' involvement in politics.

Aswini Dutt. Dutt, whose family owns Vyjayanthi Movies, is a prominent Kamma film producer and distributor and is closely associated with Chiranjeevi. However, a majority of Chiranjeevi's own fans' associations, due to the long history of their involvement in the politics of Vijayawada, supported the Congress I candidate, Lagadapati Rajagopal.

The primary reason for the fans' choice was the fact that the Lagadapati faction in the Congress FIG. Vinyl hoarding promoting Stalin outside Apsara theatre, Vijayawada, party then included Vangaveeti Radhakrisha now a member of Praja exhibiting the film. Maheshwara Rao, and Ramcharan Tej Chiranjeevi's son are seen. The banner installed by Vijayawada Chitanjeevi Youth also makes an appeal for blood and In the election, Lagadapati Rajagopal won as did Radhakrishna , eye donation.

Harikrishna then formed his own party and even fought against ing their respective candidates. Newspapers reported that a section of the TDP in but returned to the latter after some years. During the star's fans had expressed their anger at Chiranjeevi's support of the this period, Balakrishna fans, in general, and Harikrishna loyalists, in TDP candidate by destroying a massive cut-out of the star they had particular, began to promote NTR Jr.

This mode of political socialization, implied by the candidate. In the past decade, fans' decision taken by Chiranjeevi to form his own political party and associations across the board began to seek out patrons in prominent Balakrishna's announcement soon after that he would actively campaign political positions, causing strange cocktails of political and caste for TDP in the election, needs to be read as an attempt by these stars alliances. Chiranjeevi films are now routinely promoted by fans who to channel fan's political activity towards formations they themselves owe allegiance to both Nehru and Vangaveeti Radhakrishna the son approve of.

The problem of harnessing fandom is now laid at the door of Ranga as well as Congress MLA since One major faction of of politics, in a manner of speaking. The underlying assumption seems Chiranjeevi fans was in the TDP from , and slogans in support to be that the political party is capable of resolving the problems thrown of a local TDP patron also appeared in the publicity of Chiranjeevi up by the kind of loyalty that the fans' association institutes.

Father and sons. The Congress fan: These examples demonstrate the links between loyalty to the While the messy domain of local politics is a useful point of entry, the star and fandom's ability to fulfil aspirations of the fan, no matter how central issue before me is the relationship of the fans' association with poorly these may be articulated.

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I will propose that contrary to fans' own hyperbolic declara- In , when Chiranjeevi was still playing supporting roles in low tions of their loyalty to the star, evidence from the ground suggests that budget films, his first FA in Hyderabad, Akhila Bharata Chiranjeevi the fan-star relationship is one of conditional loyalty.

There can be no Abhimana Sangham was formed B. Venugopal, Interview, Ongole, doubt that the fan is tremendously invested in the star. However, we 1 May Its members claim that it was the first Chiranjeevi FA need to note that a loyalty is willingly and consciously donated to the anywhere. The President, B. Venugopal, is a matriculate and belongs to terms with numerous superlatives thrown in, is contingent upon the a backward caste. Although he always liked NTR's films and holds that fulfilment of certain conditions, brought to bear on the activity in ques- NTR was and is the number one star although NTR was no more tion and also on the star.

On the other hand, Chiranjeevi's 'quick movements' he used is the fulfilment of social-political and even economic aspirations of the English phrase and could not translate it into Telugu made him fans. Speaking for myself, my earlier argument on fans Srinivas a fan of the actor. Venugopal saw a great future for Chiranjeevi after and was hinged on the demonstration of the existence of such watching the star's first film, Pranam Khareedu , and 'wanted aspirations, which wete largely unarticulated.

Before going on to what to encourage him'. It adopted these techniques from the 'enemies'—termed thus not only because they promoted a rival star but NTR FAs. Venugopal established his own 'recording dance' troupe also because they had affiliations to political parties that were violendy and performed Chiranjeevi's hit dances in various places within and opposed to each odier, namely, Balakrishna fans.

She was well known around Hyderabad. Chiranjeevi's talent as a dancer. He continued to dance for the next However, in , she decided diat she was not going to be fan any thirteen years, while he was otherwise employed as a private gunman longer.

She destroyed her association files and albums containing and later from , as an attendant in a government office. She had failed to get a TDP nomination To the question of why they joined or formed FAs, the standard during the Municipal Corporation elections in But why would anyone want to do that?

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In other 18 March Venugopal's career alerts us to one possible explanation. Dickey points out that fans gain a degree of respect- himself in die association hierarchy. It is possible that he did not become ability in the neighbourhood dirough their activities, which include an NTR fan because NTR FAs were saturated by Even as the star' was, for Venugopal, also a means of promoting himself as a we keep in mind die aspiration for respectability, I will note that the performer and fan organizer.

It was a careerppportunity of sorts, even if developments in die fan domain occur in a wider context marked by the career did not and was not meant to provide economic sustenance. Nevertheless, fan activity is not Is there a rational choice at the heart of the seemingly bizarre array of conventional politics through other means. Fans' associations are neither things that fans do?

What if not the only, female members of a fans' association in Andhra Pradesh, then are they forums for? Vijayalakshmi is a Kamma by caste and a graduate. Having raised the point of involvement of fans in politics, let me now Her entry into and exit from the world of fans happened long before put it aside for the moment and return to the central and basic question die formation of the 'official' fans' association of Vijayashanti, Aasha animating the discussion in diis chapter: When asked why she became an organized fan she said, I propose that the fan is, among other things, a cinephile.

Cinephilia 'Of course I like Vijayashanti, but I started diis association because is a film theoretical concept that refers to the love or obsession with the someone [in the industry who was a family friend] requested me'.

Discussions of cinephilia in film theoretical writings revolve 'Liking the star' is evidendy not enough for a woman, and an upper around intensely pleasurable moments in the cinema diat somehow caste graduate at that, to join an FA. In addition to the obligation she defy explanation. Christian Keathley , for example, speaks of the felt to her family friend, she was also motivated by die ambition to cinephiliac moment as one that is memorable and pleasurable in spite enter politics.

She wanted to contest as a Municipal Corporator. She felt of its marginality to the narrative. What is of interest to me is not the diat the public exposure gained through fan activity would help her in history of die concept as it has been deployed in Film Studies but how electoral politics. During her tenure as a fan organizer, she had a very cordial I will begin widi the minimalist understanding of cinephilia as relationship with Chiranjeevi fans although she was aligned widi their obsession with the cinema.

I will limit the discussion of the history of the sis and it is not easy to extricate it from the psychoanalytical framework. Revisiting Paul Willemen's elaboration and theoretical frameworks' Second, his argument that of the concept , Gopalan notes the invocation of cinephilia in the cinephiliac response is shared by critics, film theorists, and general popular films. Arguing that 'contemporary Indian films have closed the audiences as well: It is the same when people talk on the street corners after seeing a conditions of production and conditions satisfactorily, between the film, saying which moments they liked.

The moments are different but each is screen and the spectator, we should read popular Indian films from talking about a pleasurable relation to that particular film. The difference in the point of view of cinephiliac, one that is based on an ambivalent selection is less important than the fact that you are signalling the relationship relationship to the cinema: I will have something of pleasures generated between you and the screen, generated by that particular to say about what Gopalan calls the cinephiliac readings of films in film because its not just any old film While agreeing with her point about the importance of understanding the working of cinephilia in films, I do not This understanding of cinephilia as a shared response, even if the immedi- see ambivalence as a feature of the fan's relationship with the cinema.

Third, useful detail in Willemen is his of the cinema' or rather an obsession with it, becomes a collective notion of cinephilia being intimately connected to a sense of revelation enterprise that has discernible socio-political consequences. He points out, 'So it is no accident, indeed it is highly necessary, that cinephilia should operate particularly strongly Gopalan's use of the term cinephilia does not quite retain the essence of in relation to a form of cinema that is perceived as being highly coded, WiUemen's conception, which hinges on the impossibility of verbalizing highly commercial, formalised and ritualised' p.

This brings us of the obsession with the cinema. Paul Willemen's examination of home to precisely the kind of Telugu films that were being made and photogenic, a theme of mid-twentieth century French discussions on watched from the s, by fans and everyone else.

My attempt to extend cinephilia into the discussion of tan activity Photogenie, then, refers to the unspeakable within the relation of looking and might be seen as a digression from Willemen's conception of it. In this sense, it requires the viewer's complicity in refusing—as if becomes possible to see it as a response to the cinema and not, say, a refusal were sufficient to obliterate it—the fall into a symbolic signification consequence of the religiosity of the masses in this part of the world.

Once we identify fandom as a form of cinephilia it becomes possible to normalize it because excessive responses to the cinema, which do not In a conversation with Noel King republished in the same book, easily lend themselves to explanations in ration-critical terms, are a part Willemen goes on to offer a remarkably complex elaboration of cinephilia, of the problem with the cinema.

The only difference, however, is that. These consequences have critical-theoretical isolating of a crystallizing expressive detail and so on' Further, fan activity assumes tremendous political other means, I will start with the premise that fandom is a particular significance, not due to the decisions of individual stars to contest form of cinephilia. That it has political consequences is a bonus but elections, but because it is a part of a broader phenomenon subaltern this does not transform the phenomenon itself from a manifestation of sovereignty.

What we should therefore be looking for, Prasad suggests, cinephilia to something else. The dovetailing of cinephilia into While the main argument of Prasad's essay, as well as its scope, is of political mobilization is one of the consequences of this characteristic of interest, it is not clear at this early stage of the argument's life how such organized fan activity in these parts.

With tant fan activities. On most evenings, fans meet in public places like fan activity proper, we notice an intensification of fan bhakti since the teashops and street corner pan shops, often in the vicinity of a cinema s. Nevertheless, by drawing attention to the foundationaUy political hall. I will not adopt However, fan activity is not limited to watching films. I will outline the concept enthusiasm or attempt to explain the crisis in sovereignty in below various forms taken by cinephilia in the fans' association, tracing my examination of fan activity.

Instead, I will stay with the rather more the movement of cinephilia further and further away from film viewing basic question of the nature of the relationship between fan activity and and the cinema halls itself. The larger issue, he argues, has to do Talking about films is arguably among the most popular republic which gives rise to various phenomena, including the political leisure activities in this part of the country.

Recent developments in power of film stars'. Fan bhakti, for Prasad, is a community-forging satellite television, both in Telugu as well as other languages, suggest response by the subaltern. Rather than assume that bhakti pre-exists the that the collective obsession with the cinema, of the kind that is fan in the relationship between people and gods in this part of the world, witnessed among fans, is in fact gaining larger currency, even as it is Prasad argues 'enthusiastic communities can form around a variety of being systematically transformed into 'pure entertainment'.

Enthusiasm in turn is a particular form of devotion. Prasad The protocols of performed fandom are also interesting. For example, draws on David Hume's notion of enthusiasm, which is characterized fan talk on cinema, while sharing a number of similarities with other by the independence of devotion and contrasted to superstition which equally compulsive forms of re-telling film stories and re-living the is in turn favourably inclined towards priestly power.

Like other forms experience of the cinema, has one significant difference. Criticism of of enthusiasm, fan bhakti too is a sign of unbound political passions in the star is generally avoided even when his flops are being discussed, as search of an object. Prasad argues that the disconnect between political is clear from the example below. Films are generally shared. Chiranjeevi, too, said in his interviews with me that fans have, broken down into components along lines that correspond with the on occasion, made angry long distance phone calls to his office and way the film industry and the popular film press looks at films.

The written angry letters when they were disappointed. I will discuss an star, story, direction, music, dances choreography and setting , comedy exceptionally articulate and angry letter to the star in Chapter 5.

But 'critical publicity' as Jurgen Habermas topics. As I will argue later in this chapter, In the films that came up for discussion in my presence,29 which it would be a mistake to expect European bourgeois norms of public included two commercially unsuccessful films, S. Parasuram , debate to surface in the fan domain. FA discussions could occasionally discussed in some details by fans in Vijayawada , and Mrugaraju result in active rejection and 'unauthorized' readings of the kind that analysed in response to my questions by fans in Tirupathi , the star's are highlighted in Anglo-American writings of fandom for example, performance was of course declared to be very good.

Parasuram, Lewis I will suggest, however, that the importance of fan it was pointed out, Chiranjeevi played the role of a police officer very discussion lies not in their ability to generate oppositional readings convincingly it was noted, however, that it was unusual for the star of films but in contributing to a film culture whose crucial defining to play the role of a police officer.

The opening sequence and first feature is the spill over of the obsession with films from the cinema hall to fight were considered to be all wrong because no police officer hunts other spaces.

But the comedy track was terrible because it Typically, participants in FA discussions involve members of the showed Chiranjeevi, a Superintendent of Police in the film, clowning association, their friends who may not be fans of the star , and regular around with a petty crook the heroine, played by Sridevi.

The direc- hangers-on at the meeting place, which is, after all, a public place. The Koneru Gattu steps of a temple pond at the heart of the city. Each climax was declared disappointing. Moreover, the story was already of these groups actually consists of members drawn from different familiar as the Hindi version of the Tamil original of which the film fans' associations dedicated to the respective stars, which function was a remake was already released.

The heroine or rather, her lack of autonomously of each other and in different parts of the city. Unlike glamour in this film and the fact that this was a 'police film' in a state most other places in Andhra Pradesh, geographical proximity of the two where police films generally do not do well, were all offered as reasons groups is possible because of the general absence of violence between for its failure.

Tirupathi, due to its commercial and religious analysis involves paying attention to minute details and making cross- significance, attracts a large floating population of fans who visit the references to other films.

Fans read meanings into each of the filmic city on work or for pilgrimage. They seek out the Koneru Gattu groups, components and have a set of rather loosely defined expectations or sometimes with the help of directions provided by cinema hall regulars, these components. It is therefore possible to reject a film because its join in the discussions, exchange information, and also participate in components including the star in very exceptional cases do not meet the banter that goes on between the rival groups.

Current and forthcoming films of their star as well as other stars What Gopalan calls cinephiliac reading of films is very are the most discussed topics. Exchanging news on the box office front much in evidence in discussions amongst fans. Intertextual references and predictions about takings are fairly common.

Also dwelt upon are are made between a whole range of films which potentially include all the latest news and gossip on the industry front, often picked up from Telugu, Hindi, or English films available to a generation of filmgoers. I do not wish to claim any degree of autonomy or uniqueness for the fan discussions of films.

The continuities between the popular press and these discussions are symptomatic of the broader film cultural context that it inhabits and shapes. Fan discussions alert us to the need for die enunciation of that broader context, which like the discussions! These include decorating the FIG. A flyer issued the cinema hall. I would also like to treat as theatre-centred activity by Sudha of All India Superstar Krishna the generation of publicity material for the star's films and all other Yuvasena, Vijayawada efforts made to ensure a film's success.

I include these diverse activities celebrating the day under one head, aldiough some of them are not performed at the run of their 'Indian theatre or near it, because all of them are centred on forms of collective Dare and Dashing NUMBERONE filmviewing that characterize fans' associations.

Throughout the s the resourceful FAs installed plywood cut- outs, at times costing tens of thousands of rupees of die star, within or in the immediate vicinity of theatres. Of late, vinyl screen prints have supplemented and even replaced plywood cut-outs in most places. The smaller FAs publish flyers in praise of die film or paste posters either crudely illustrated or unillustrated to advertise it.

Decoration of theatres with flowers, distribution of sweets to the audience before the opening show, providing biryani packets or other packed dinners , and sometimes even clothes for the theatre staff on the hundredth day of screening are among the other theatre-centred activities see also Dickey Since the late s, fans, in general, and Chiranjeevi fans, in particular, have been donating blood and pledging their eyes as a part of the celebrations of a film's release or success.

FIG, Fans celebrate 50 days of Alluda Majaka at a cinema hall All publicity material generated by fans prominently display the screening the film. To cite an Source: For the most part, Fans also ensure, whenever possible, the material generated by them the young men who often spend considerable amounts of money and is photographed, with themselves occupying a prominent place in energy, battling hundreds of others to lay their hands on tickets, actually the picture.

Copies of photographs or samples of the material flyers, pay surprisingly little attention to what is happening on the screen.

Future posters, etc. In the viewings will any case ensure that no detaiJ is missed out. The focus late s, fans began to issue advertisements in popular film magazines. In the more-recent coins at the screen and balloons before the projector's beam to cast giant past, images of local patrons, usually political leaders of standing, appear shadows on the screen.

On occasion, the images of the patron and fan alike have overshadowed those of the star himself. Balakrishna and NTR Jr. This off-screen spectacle like a number of other FA activities images of NTR Senior and also the latter's first wife Basavatarakam, in which need not be spectacular is addressed'to the absent star, as it is to their publicity material.

It is a celebration of the presence of fans at the theatre. It is as if the message sent out by the whistling collective is: Tollywood Telugu February - Tollywood Magazine.

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I will, instead, photographs of the same. When I met him in he had been a karate instructor for the past thirteen years. This film script available as PDF format E- book, after payment you can download it instantly. Individual fans or groups of unorganized fans generally look directly into the camera, posing before cut-outs they have decorated, fans were accorded a higher status than the routine letters, presumably with cinema hall staff, in large groups within or just outside cinema for practical reasons.

In fact, apart from the shared nomenclature, there is very little It was also around this time that increasingly spectacular acts of fandom that these two groups share.